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Renaissance

De ambitie van het FEPS-initiatief “Renaissance voor Europa” is geweest om progressieve leiders en burgers opnieuw te betrekken in een politieke discussie over de huidige toestand van de Europese Unie en de gewenste integratierichtingen. Het doel van het project reflecteert het idee dat de Europese bevolking nog steeds betrokken is bij de belofte van vrede en welvaart, waar de EU voor symbool staat. Ze zien echterdat politiek rechts deze historische belofte belemmert.

De missie is daarom tweeledig: om de kwestie van de EU te politiseren en te tonen dat een alternatief scenario mogelijk is; en daarnaast om dit debat definitief te verankeren in de context van de nationale politiek. Daarom is twee jaar geleden het besluit genomen om het momentum te gebruiken van de verkiezingscampagnes in drie van de oprichtingslanden van de EU, namelijk Frankrijk, Italië en Duitsland. Dit jaar richten we “Renaissance” op de verkiezingen van het Europese parlement.

Lees

Om te beginnen verenigde dit idee de denktanks uit deze drie landen – respectievelijk de Fondation Jean Jaures, Italiani Europei en Friedrich Ebert Stiftung – die in samenwerking met FEPS begonnen te overleggen over hoe een intellectuele sfeer kan worden gecreëerd wat moet leiden tot de creatie van een echt gepolitiseerde Europese publieke ruimte.

De resultaten van deze besprekingen kwamen tot uiting in de eerste declaratie die tot stand kwam door een reeks van opeenvolgende bijeenkomsten in Brussel en Parijs. Deze documenten vormden een sterke bijdrage aan het debat over hoe de effecten van de huidige desastreuze economische crisis moeten worden overwonnen. Het leidde tot verdere besprekingen, die zowel werden herhaald tijdens het eerste seminar van "Renaissance voor Europa" (dat meer dan 100 vooraanstaande wetenschappers uit de EU en de VS bij elkaar bracht en in maart werd gehouden in de Nationale vergadering), als ook in een boek uit de serie 'Renaissance voor Europa "-" Bezuinigingen zijn niet het antwoord".

Parallel aan het academische debat, groeide de politieke toewijding van de leiders en hun betreffende partijen – wat leidde tot twee fascinerende debatten die plaatsvonden in Parijs in maart 2012 en in Turijn in februari 2013. Dit waren twee historische momenten toen progressieve leiders van zowel de drie oprichtingslanden als het EU-niveau samenkwamen om hun wil om Europa te benadrukken, om het dienovereenkomstig te wijzigen in een gemeenschappelijke agenda en om elkaar te helpen bij het her-Europeaniseren van de politiek in de desbtreffende landen.

De "Renaissance voor Europa" werd hiermee een algemeen erkend en hooggewaardeerd programma, dat een breed scala aan activiteiten omvatte (van besloten seminars op hoog niveau tot publieke evenementen die openstonden voor duizenden mensen) en publicaties (de bovengenoemde boekenreeks "Renaissance voor Europa ", die werd ingehuldigd met het pamflet dat de memorabele speech van Helmut Schmidt van het SPD congres in 2011 in 16 talen bevatte). De duidelijke doelstelling van het programma is reeds een nieuwe parameter door welk prisma de politieke ontwikkelingen binnen de verschillende betrokken landen kunnen worden geanalyseerd in de bredere EU-context.

Na het geweldige succes van de memorabele evenementen in Parijs, Turijn en Leipzig, zijn de partners verdergegaan met hun werk en op dit moment al vergevorderd met de voorbereidingen van de volgende stap: april 2014 in Brussel.

We hopen onder de Europese gemeenschappen een nieuwe energie te vinden die een progressieve ‘Renaissance voor Europe’ steunt. Dit zal de veranderingskracht van een politieke wil benadrukken wanneer vooruitstrevende politieke leiders samenkomen – dit begrip zal het project ongetwijfeld ondersteunen tijdens de EU-verkiezingen in 2014.


Eerdere deelnemers


Brussel : Publicaties

Paris : publicaties

Speech van François Hollande

Paris : citaten

The resurgence of nationalism, populism and extremism in Europe, fuelled by the current economic, financial and social crisis is one of the main challenges in Europe today. (...) the austerity will have damaging effects on social programs and public budgets that are already being cut down. This will once again hurt the less favoured and the most vulnerable. This is not my definition of a Europe based on solidarity. Europe that shall mean equality, gender equality and social justice.

Zita Gurmai


Social democracy would be at its best when socialism is perceived to be linked with three main reputational factors: modernity; progressiveness and internationalism.

Antonio Estella


The solution to the European crisis must also be European. We need European public budget rules: reasonable, not to lock weaker states in stagnation and unemployment; but clear and strong, as needed by the single currency, to increase reciprocal confidence, avoid opportunistic behaviours, defeat financial speculation. But we also need a truly European strategy for growth and inclusion.

Gianfranco Viesti


Politics is squeezed between the financial markets on one hand, and the electoral markets on the other. The big question is: will the public, will the electorate swallow the eurocrisis-solutions, or will they not accept it. (...) The paradox is that ‘Brussels’ must become more European. Those who want to make the EU less neoliberal, less uniform, and more democratic, need the strongest sense of European cultural history. Not crude ‘economism’, but inhibited cultural inquisitiveness is the right elixir to avoid long term animosity between different countries.

René Cuperus


To redirect Europe onto the road to growth and solidarity it is necessary to fight ongoing crisis in its financial, macroeconomic and social aspects and to give up the one-dimensional and ill-fated focus on reducing public deficits only.

Ulf Meyer-Rix


La plus grand contribution que l’UE pourrait faire aujourd’hui a la croissance mondiale est de transformer l’eurozone en une euro-Communauté au sein de laquelle la BCE retrouverait enfin toutes les marges de manœuvre dont elle a besoin pour contribuer à réduire le cout de la dette et a grandir le bon fonctionnement du marche du crédit.

Pierre Defraigne


The financial sector, both national and international, should have two main functions. Firstly it should serve the needs of the real economy. Secondly, it should help manage and mitigate risks. In the last three decades the private financial sector has done neither, especially since it was liberalised. (...) This is not inevitable. When the financial sector has been well regulated and controlled – and when well-run public banks have played an important role – the financial sector has played a positive role to support real economy.

Stephany Griffith-Jones


Where governments are in a position to do so, they should support domestic growth in the Eurozone’s export countries. Innovative approaches to supporting economy, redistribution means – such as minimum wages – and an effective state spending policy could contribute to that.

Toralf Pusch


Re-building the European Social Model must be the priority for all progressive forces in Europe. Many Europeans fear that governments are neglecting citizens and are obsessed by appeasing the financial markets; have a very narrow view of “competitiveness”; and with fiscal rectitude. (...) A Common Fiscal Policy is key to addressing inequality, sorting out the banks and boosting demand by underwriting an EU stimulus programme. It may begin with a small budget overall, but a small budget in EU terms is still a lot of cash. I would go for tax coordination rather than harmonisation where member states can set rates, within bands, though a common tax base for companies makes sense in a single marker.

Paul Sweeney


The adoption of revenue package by the European Union should be encouraged. (...) I argue that such a package including a financial transaction tax, a European carbon tax, a common corporate tax and a European strategy against tax may yield substantial amounts. This can create opportunities to avoid excessive austerity programmes and help financing new European strategies.

Rémi Bazillier


(...) the evidence is clear that an FTT at EU-27 or at Eurozone level would help strengthen Europe’s finances and reduce the likelihood of crisis. And being one of the first international taxes, a proportion of its revenues should be ear-marked for helping to finance solutions to some of the world’s most difficult international problems like poverty and climate change.

Stephany Griffith-Jones and Avinash Persaud


... over the medium-to-long run the EU needs to design and introduce a number of pan-European taxes to finance the Union’s budget up to 15% of the Union’s GDP – as this will substantiate the issuance of euro-bonds by some EU institutions. The design of transfer mechanism for financial equalisation across the EU will make sure that the less advances and competitive countries can reduce if not close the gap separating them from the others. Real convergence of all EU member countries is indeed crucial for enhancing economic growth and solidarity across the whole Union.

Sergio Rossi

Speech van Martin Schulz

Turin : publicaties

Turin : citaten

...the European re-birth needs to be based on citizens’ participation. If we can provide a clear vision and we empower people, we can build a European democracy in which citizens want to participate. For this, it is necessary to show both in theory and in practice, who does what in the new Europe. (...) We also need to show that Europe is about alternatives – there is not only one way to do things, austerity is not the only possible ‘medicine’ for the crisis.

Mercedes Breso


If European socialists want to challenge the inevitability of a decade of austerity and recession with all its social, economic and political dangers, they now need a programme not just for the 2014 elections but as a roadmap for an alternative Europe. Its starting point has to be a pitiless assault on the record of the centre-right’s management of the euro crisis and the economic devastation in its wake accompanied by a fierce denunciation of the excesses of corporate power and the irresponsible behaviour of business boardrooms. But the effective channelling of anger requires more than just giving it strong expression. It requires a reassertion of values and principles, and then some concrete proposals in a bold and relevant programme of radical change which should convey a sense of urgency to match the crisis. Julian Priestley A clear and ambitious vision has to be drawn up, a vision that identifies reforms and measures that can be put into effect as from now. An exit from thecrisis that combines rigor, growth and solidarity, to strengthen democratic legitimacy and the central role of the EP, to having a Multiannual Financial Framework reflecting our ambitions to give a driving force to innovative investments and lead job creation. We must have a true Economic and Monetary Union based not only upon rules but that also has a coordinated economic policy, a “European Social Pillar” and an ambitious industrial policy. All this should be done in accordance with the community method, so that the transfer of sovereignty is done with the aim of stronger common decisions and not that the strong decide and the rest suffer.

Anna Colombo


We know that distrust for the EU is strongly increased among the peoples of these countries due to the impression that EU fiscal policies are driven from self-interests and calculations of some of the major member states. Such impression sheds a sinister light on the fact that all these states are expected to serve both their citizens and the macroeconomic imperatives as laid down in the EU legislation.

Cesare Pinelli


This ‘permissive consensus’ about social-democratic internationalism has been broken. International and European affairs have become highly politicised, even within the social democratic constituencies. A lot has to do with the populist challenge to social democracy; in fact, all establishment consensus politics has been scrutinized and challenged by the populist revolt against ‘’elite politics’’ in Europe. But the most affected seems to be international and European politics, which depend mostly on a representative mandate of trust in ‘far from our bed’ diplomats, NGOs and experts.

René Cuperus


The European project has still enormous potential to unleash political energy for progressive change in Europe. Yet this energy, carried by all sorts of extra-parliamentary organisations and individuals campaigning for the European common good, is poorly absorbed by often outdated party structures. The Left should seize the opportunity and radically open itself up. EU democratic politics must be more than just horse-trading among the political establishment.

Olaf Cramme


If social democracy wants to promote the interests of the popular classes and the community of citizens in a context that has nothing in common with the post-war era, it will have to depart from the path it has taken over the past century. It will have to struggle for a radical change of direction in the European project, to imagine how to meet the most urgent social needs without high levels of growth, and to introduce more democracy at the heart of the capitalism economy.

Fabien Escalona


Ai partiti progressisti spetta in particolare l'onere di rompere il silenzio delle istituzioni europee sulle violazioni dei diritti fondamentali e dei valori comuni che si compiono anche sul territorio dell'Unione, affinché questa appaia, come è e deve essere, quell'unione di diritto che è disegnata dalla Carta dei diritti fondamentali.

Elena Paciotti


EU leaders need to craft a political discourse that legitimizes the deeper political integration that any such solution entails. EU leaders require narratives to help build a sense of European identity and solidarity as they seek to legitimize ‘more Europe’ to the citizens of Europe. At the same time, however, for citizens’ sense of identity and solidarity to grow, voting in first-order EP elections for the Commission President can only be one small part of the identity-building process. The other would be making the EU part of everyday national discourse, parliamentary debate, public deliberation, and, yes, contestation—and not solely on Eurozone issues.

Vivien A. Schmidt


Sebbene sia un passo avanti, non é suficiente che il Presidente della Commissione sia nel 2014 il candidato del gruppo político della maggioranza nel Parlamento Europeo, né é suficiente una campagna elettorale orientata in questo senso in tutta Europa, se non si estabilisce un quadro costituzionale nel quale risultono fissate le competenze reali delle instituzioni. E nel quale le massime autoritá abbiano la massima legittimitá e, quindi, siano elette dai cittadini.

Diego Lopez Garrido


The elections to the Presidency of the Union would allow the articulation of new cross-cutting political majorities, (…) Elections of this kind would be really founders of a new political system that would allow the creation of European leaderships. They would require European political programs capable to overcome the national specificities and to give to the European citizens of Europe a new political reference. These would contribute to building a new european common public space.

Albert Aixalà


The Commission should be brought back to the center of the EU system and, along with it, the role of the European Parliament should be strengthened as the one institution that confers political legitimacy (through its power to approve or dismiss the Commission) to the Union’s executive. The main political parties should propose, on the occasion of the next elections of the European Parliament in 2014, their respective candidate for President of the Commission, transforming those elections into the arena for politicising the policies of the EU.

Sergio Fabbrini


This crisis has taught us that we are already politically integrated because profoundly interdependent. The question of political community and democracy has therefore been wrongly formulated in Europe. The question is not whether we have the conditions necessary to integrate politically. The real question is how best and legitimately to govern our already integrated political space.

Miguel Poiares Maduro


A more equal distribution of income is a factor of economic stability and development in the long run. Countries should be pushed to reduce income inequality through more redistributive fiscal policy. It implies to reverse this tendency of national policies aiming at increasing the level of price competitiveness through decreasing taxation at the expense of other European countries. In times where European Union is seeking for common policy goals, a coordinated strategy favoring income equality can be a mobilizing goal for European citizens.

Rémi Bazillier


Convergence and adjustment do not happen automatically in EMU, but need to be policy driven. New policy and governance priorities are thus required in the Eurozone to put more emphasis on cooperative games in convergence and competitiveness. (…) Central to the new mandate must be a new fiscal regime based on a symmetric imbalances procedure as outlined above. Big trade surpluses will thus remain a powerful drag on economic activity in the Eurozone and put a big obstacle in the way of the needed adjustments between member states. [Though] …economic integration is necessary, it is not sufficient. Success requires political integration in parallel, within which the democratic mechanisms must be strenghtened. (…)

Paolo Guerrieri


At a moment when millions of citizens are struggling to fare through the troubled waters of economic distress and are being asked to shoulder an additional tax burden, tax evaders and avoiders are busy abusing our tax systems. A political agreement on importance of halving the tax gap by 2020 is the first necessary step. But without a timely adoption of concrete and cohesive national, European and international strategies, the empty words alone will not get us anywhere. Europe has an obligation to its citizens, an opportunity in the global arena and a need to step up its efforts in solving the systemic crisis, to act as a frontrunner in this fight against tax fraud, tax avoidance and tax havens.

Mojca Kleva Kekuš


Eurozone countries may regard Britain’s existential debate on the EU as an unnecessary distraction at a time of economic crisis but it is also worth understanding the currents of public opinion which make this conversation necessary. Those who wish to see Britain remain in the EU should do all they can to support EU reforms that promote growth and democracy. This is the best way of ensuring that pro-European voices in Britain are able to make the pro-European case.

Will Straw

Leipzig : citaten

We cannot tolerate, under the pretence of budgetary constraints or competiveness, rising inequalities, extreme poverty, social exclusion, (youth-) unemployment and precarious jobs that are ethically unacceptable and which are creating a social emergency in Europe. Both democracy and the chance of creating good policy are undermined when ineffective and blatantly unjust policies are introduced. (...) As a trade unionist I believe that it is just no longer possible to support a unilateral direction towards more fiscal and economic integration without flagging up an alternative vision. (...) steps to strengthen the social dimension in the EMU are a necessity. However, from a trade union perspective, a discussion on the social dimension of the EMU is only acceptable if it triggers social progress and not social regression.

Sina Frank


Advocates of austerity often portray it as a choice of short term pain in order to achieve long-term gain. However, prolonged periods of high unemployment und low business investment caused by austerity may do long lasting damage via so-called hysteresis mechanisms. For instance, unemployment caused by consolidation may turn structural as the long term unemployed loose vital skills and work habits, and the young never gain them. Lower business investment implies slower growth of the physical capital stock and may slow the pace of technological change. Thus the weakening of economic activity caused by austerity may do long lasting damage to the productive capacity of the European Economy.

Ansgar Rannenberg


My thesis is that as a result of the government debt crises, not only the institutional deficits of the common currency became obvious, but they also lead to a growing social divergence within the Euro area. However, the European rescue measures to support the weak Euro states focus merely on economical aspects, while social problems are ignored and therefore rather exacerbated. Based on these considerations it will thus be argued that the social destabilizations in some Euro countries, in combination with the ignorance on the European level concerning these problems, will in the long run considerably threaten the institutional balance of the Euro and along with that the EU as a whole, and that a fundamental readjustment will be necessary.

Jenny Preunkert


There is an inverse relationship between solidarity and coordination in the European Union today. Capacity and institution building are considered as instruments to compensate for the inadequate level of solidarity. Is this a viable strategy? If solidarity is based on a combination of normative and institutional allegiance, the current measures do answer to the rational dimension of solidarity, to the expectation that resources will be spent appropriately and effectively? Creating new rules and mechanisms may help to repair the lack of trust and commonly felt responsibility, but it seems highly questionable if it can be the ultimate response to the lack of a deeper sense of communality, of shared Europeaness as a driver for solidarity in the European Union.

André W. M. Gerrits


... conceptualisation of Social Europe has been originating from a traditional understanding of the role of social democracy; namely it has pledged as a political movement to deliver a compromise between labour and capital. Empowering Europeans socially, economically and politically would signify making them signatories of the historical contract. (...) The call therefore is about re-assuming a historical responsibility for shaping a new social deal on the European level. It is about restoring the sense of politics that does not subordinate to financial capitalism, but that serves people. Exercised on their behalf, politics must pave the way towards a fairer, better society. It is therefore about re-establishing logic of the alternative, both in political terms and on the individual level – while empowering all women and men to self-determination and to a choice.

Ania Skrzypek


The transition from “finance-capitalistic” to “real-capitalistic” framework conditions usually takes many depressive years as governance according to the old navigation map makes things only worse. Such a transition phase calls for a New Deal which changes the direction of the course even without guidance by a new theory. (...) A New Deal for Europe should include many components, in particular as regards the additional regulations of financial markets/actors and public investments in infrastructure, education and environment.

Stephan Schulmeister


This is the time to regenerate and mobilize Europe with a unifying new narrative, to deepen our bonds and transform into a real Community, a Federation of Nation States. Let us make the center-left the catalyst and take the initiative, make the effort and trickle down the message of why we need more Europe. To eliminate once and for all any risk of dismantling the most noble and genuine accomplishment of Europe's political history.(...)

Anna Diamantopoulou


Real convergence is absolutely necessary as a simply nominal one has proved ineffective and totally unrealistic at this stage. We need to reform the EU's fiscal rules with the aim of protecting public investments, also through a "golden rule" excluding productive investment and national contributions to the EU budget from the SGP computation of deficits. We also want the creation of a European fiscal capacity in the form of an anti-cyclical fund financed with own resources.

Anna Colombo

The EU needs to promote a new European social contract along the following lines:
  • Adoption of a European emergency action plan, financed by mutualized debt and EIB loans, that promotes economic growth and employment, especially for young people.
  • Adoption of a European wage policy that reflects productivity gains and implementation of a European minimum wage.
  • Support for a social security system that ensures a high level of health, family, unemployment and retirement protection. Combating poverty and social inequality therefore seems to remain a priority goal for a Social Europe. As poverty has many causes, we may reflect on market income, namely wages, regulation, redistributive and social service policies of the welfare state and labour market participation of families.
  • Thinking on what would be the role of a Social Europe in these areas we may concentrate on some normative reflections on minimum wage setting and its coordination with social policies.

Irene Dingeldey


Consideration of the possibility of implementing unemployment insurance to complement national subsidies in the Eurozone countries. • Implementation of guarantees to strengthen collective bargaining and worker codetermination. • Inclusion, in a reformed treaty, of a social progress clause that guarantees basic social rights and endorses the European social model.

Diego Lopez Garrido


Je veux proposer ici trois mesures simples et concrètes, la première pour limiter certains licenciements, la seconde pour faire gagner de la croissance à court terme, la dernière pour engager enfin la croissance durable qui n'existe aujourd'hui encore à Bruxelles que dans les discours. Mesure n°1: faire payer davantage aux entreprises en bonne santé qui annoncent des plans de licenciement, le coût social réel des mesures qu'elles envisagent. Mesure n°2: donner au « semestre budgétaire européen » actuellement prévu par les institutions de l'Union une dimension « jeu coopératif à somme positive » actuellement complètement ignorée à Bruxelles. Mesure n°3: relancer la mise en oeuvre par l'Union européenne d'une taxe carbone efficace, dans des conditions qui retirent aux entreprises concernées leur principal argument contre cette taxe: celui du risque de perte de compétitivité au niveau mondial.

Gérard Fuchs


The basic idea underlying the corridor model, developed in the 1990s, is the maintenance of a close connection between levels of economic and welfare state development in the EU member states. During periods of crisis in which drastic cuts are made in social security systems European regulation of this kind is crucial. This concept can also be used to prevent social dumping between member states and to facilitate welfare state catch-up processes on the part of less developed members.

Klaus Busch


In the global economy, young people must be educated and prepared for rapid technological change and competition from workers around the world. This economy demands that all students attain at least a high-school diploma; that they be educated to global standards of excellence. It increasingly requires that they attain some higher-education or substantial on-the-job training. Progressives should make investment in education with the goal of achieving a world-class education for all a key pillar of their economic agendas. Specific measures are needed to tackle the barriers facing disadvantaged youths who are neither in employment, education or training. It is up to progressives to get the word out and steer funding to programmes such as second-chance schools in Europe. Youths should work, train, or actively search while receiving assistance.

Yannis Mastrogeorgiou


... the EMU should be equipped with a proper fiscal capacity able to cushion asymmetric shocks, whatever the Member State, and able to promote catching-up and structural convergence between Member States by focusing on capacity building. The financial resources of this fiscal capacity (preferably own resources) can provide a basis for borrowing via Eurobonds in order to finance European investments, complementing the national ones. This can become an embryo of European Treasury. (...) such a development of the Economic and Monetary Union should be based on a New Deal whereby Member States should accept: - stronger European supervision on their banks, if a common bank resolution and deposit guarantee is build up; - stronger coordination of their economic and social policies and reforms, if a fiscal capacity is build up; -stronger sharing of sovereignty at European level, if the decisions are taken in more democratic terms.

Maria João Rodrigues


It is clear that European public opinion will support such a policy that involves giving more resources to the EU only if the objectives are prescribed clearly, and provided that the potential benefits are effectively communicated, including: - Reduction in high, socially unacceptable unemployment levels, especially in the hardest-hit places in the EU; - A new economic model that is not overly-dependent on financial services but which instead focuses on constructing a solid industrial basis for the EU which ensures both competitiveness and solidarity; -A European Union that becomes a coherent economic and political actor internationally, able to defend the general European interest against other economic powerhouses such as the US, China and the BRICs; - European Union that supports decentralisation, subsidiarity and regional and local self-government for all policies which are not strategic for the defence of the common European interest...

Gerhard Stahl


The development of a Social Europe (as an equivalent to the existing economic Europe and as a complement to the single market) has since a long time being hampered by indifference, if not obstruction from certain member states. Like in other policy domains in which no basic agreement has been found, this has led to a Europe à la carte with a number of member states having opt-outs (or strictly speaking: opt-ins) whereas applicant member states have to stick to a fixed menu. (...)

Steven van Hecke


... the quality of democracy should be a priority at all times and that politics and policies need to be at the centre of the crisis debate. Our basic argument is that such a deep economic and social crisis is also inevitably a crisis of democracy. It is also a challenge for social democracy today to provide a coherent and intuitive interpretation of the crisis and an integrated policy proposal based on the need to balance economic sustainability with social cohesion and democracy.

Zinovia Lialiouti


Reflecties


Vorige sprekers

Albert Aixalà

Lid van de FEPS-werkgroep Next Left en voorzitter van de Fundació Rafael Campalans, Spanje

Giuliano Amato

Voormalig Minister-President van Italië en voorzitter van de adviesraad van de Fondazione Italianieuropei

Lorenza Antonucci

Lid van het FEPS Young Academics Network, universiteit van Bristol, Italië/Verenigd Koninkrijk

Jean-Marc Ayrault

Voorzitter van de socialisten in het Assemblée nationale loco-burgemeester van Nantes, Frankrijk

Luciano Bardi

Professor in politieke wetenschappen aan de universiteit van Pisa, Italië

Rémi Bazillier

Lid van de FEPS-focusgroep Next Left, de FEPS wetenschappelijke raad en assistent-professor aan de universiteit van Orléans, Frankrijk

Pier Luigi Bersani

Secretaris van de Partito Democratico en kandidaat voor de centrum-links coalitie voor het raadvoorzitterschap, Italië

Jean-Louis Bianco

Adviseur voor Harlem Désir over Europese zaken, PS France, Frankrijk

Mercedes Bresso

Regionaal raadgever van Piedmont binnen de Partito Democratico en voormalig voorzitter van het regionaal comité, Italië

Flavio Brugnoli

Directeur van het centrum voor studies over het federalisme, Italië

Klaus Busch

Universiteit van Osnabrück, spreker aan de postuniversitaire school van de Hans-Böckler-Stiftung “Werkgeversbelangen en werknemersparticipatie in een Europees sociaal model“, Duitsland

Marco Causi

Professor in de economie aan de universiteit van Rome 3 en MP van de democratische partij, Italië

Bernard Cazeneuve

Minister van Europese zaken, Frankrijk

Daniel Cohen

Professor in de economie, Ecole Normale Supérieure, voorzitter van de wetenschappelijke raad van de Fondation Jean-Jaurès, Frankrijk

Anna Colombo

Secretaris-generaal van de groep van de progressieve alliantie van socialisten en democraten in het Europese parlement (S&D groep), Italië

Olaf Cramme

Directeur van Policy Network, Duitsland

René Cuperus

Directeur internationale relaties en senior onderzoeksmedewerker bij de Wiardi Beckman stichting, Nederland.

Massimo D’Alema

Voorzitter van FEPS en Fondazione Italianieuropei en voormalig minister-president, Italië

Howard Dean

Gouverneur en lid van de raad van bestuur van het nationaal democratisch instituut (NDI), Verenigde Staten

Harlem Désir

Partijleider van de PS, Frankrijk

Anna Diamantopoulou

Voorzitter van To Dyktio, Griekenland

Patrick Diamond

Lid van de wetenschappelijke raad van FEPS, fellow van Gwilym Gibbon bij Nuffield College, Oxford, en senior fellow van Policy Network, Verenigd Koninkrijk

Irene Dingeldey

Universiteit van Bremen, Duitsland

Elio Di Rupo

Minister-president van België, België

Karl Duffek

Directeur van het Karl-Renner-Institut en vice-president van FEPS, Oostenrijk

Fabien Escalona

Promovendus in politieke wetenschappen aan Sciences Po Grenoble, Frankrijk

Sergio Fabbrini

Directeur van de overheidsschool aan de universiteit van Rome LUISS, Italië

Laurent Fabius

Voormalig minister-president van Frankrijk, Frankrijk

Stefano Fassina

Verantwoordelijk voor economie en arbeid van de democratische partij, Italië

Piero Fassino

Burgemeester van Turijn, Italië

Gilles Finchelstein

Algemeen-directeur van de Fondation Jean Jaurès, Frankrijk

Sina Frank

Europese beleidsdivisie bij de confederatie van Duitse vakbonden, (DGB), Duitsland

Gérard Fuchs

Directeur van de internationale afdeling van het Fondation Jean Jaurès, Frankrijk

Sigmar Gabriel

Voorzitter van de SPD, Duitsland

André Gerrits

Lid van de wetenschappelijke raad van FEPS en professor in Russische geschiedenis en politiek aan de universiteit van Leiden, Nederland

Hedi Giusto

Verantwoordelijk voor de afdeling internationale betrekkingen, Fondazione Italianieuropei, Italië

Roberto Gualtieri

Lid van het Europese parlement, Italië

Paolo Guerrieri

Professor in de economie aan de universiteit van Rome Sapienza, Italië

Elisabeth Guigou

Voorzitter van het comité buitenlandse zaken bij de nationale vergadering, Frankrijk

Zita Gurmai

Voorzitter van PES vrouwen en vice-voorzitter van FEPS, Hongarije

Ernst Hillebrand

Afdelingshoofd, Friedrich Erbert Stiftung, Duitsland

Dierk Hirschel

Lid van de federale raad van bestuur bij de vakbond van verenigde diensten, Ver.di, Duitsland

François Hollande

President van Frankrijk

Lionel Jospin

Voormalig minister-president van Frankrijk, Frankrijk

Burkhard Jung

Burgemeester van Leipzig, Duitsland

Anna Maria Kellner

Friedrich Erbert Stiftung, Duitsland

Mojca Kleva Kekuš

Lid van het Europese parlement, Slovenië

Matthias Kollatz-Ahnen

Voormalig senior vice-president van de Europese investeringsbank (EIB) en tegenwoordig senior expert bij PwC Duitsland

Marije Laffeber

PES vice-secretaris-generaal, Nederland/EU

Zinovia Lialiouti

Senior-onderzoeker, instituut voor strategische analyse en studies (ISTAME), Griekenland

Lord (Roger) Liddle

Lid van de wetenschappelijke raad van FEPS en voorzitter van Policy Network, Verenigd Koninkrijk

Bruno Liebhaberg

Voorzitter van de wetenschappelijke raad van FEPS, België

Diego Lopez Garrido

Lid van de wetenschappelijke raad van FEPS, voormalig minister van buitenlandse zaken voor de EU en MP, Spanje

Kurt Richard Luther

Professor in vergelijkende politieke wetenschappen aan Keele University, Verenigd Koninkrijk

Francesca Marinaro

MP van de democratische partij, Italië

Roçio Martinez Sampere

MP van de Catalaanse socialistische partij, Spanje

Giannis Mastrogeorgiou

Directeur van To Dyktio, Griekenland

Raffaello Matarazzo

Postdoc aan het Instituto Affari Internazionali, Italië

Zoran Milanović

Minister-president van Kroatië, Kroatië

Pierre Moscovici

Campagnedirecteur voor François Hollande en voormalig minister, Frankrijk

Henri Nallet

Vice-voorzitter van FEPS en vice-voorzitter van de Franse Fondation Jean-Jaurès, Frankrijk

Esther Niubó

Directeur van de Fundacio Rafael Campalans, Spanje

Elena Paciotti

Voorzitter van de Fondazione Lelio e Lisli Basso, Italië

Pim Paulusma

Lid van het FEPS Young Academics netwerk, universiteit van Nijmegen, Nederland

Andrea Peruzy

Secretaris-generaal van de Fondazione Italianieuropei, Italië

Cesare Pinelli

Professor publiek recht aan de universiteit van Rome Sapienza, Italië

Lapo Pistelli

MP en hoofd van de internationale afdeling van het Partito Democratico, Italië

Miguel Poiares Maduro

Professor en directeur van het programma globaal bestuur aan het Europese universiteitsinstituut, Portugal

Yonnec Polet

De eerste vice-secretaris-generaal van PES, België

Victor Ponta

Minister-president van Roemenië, Roemenië

Jenny Preunkert

Instituut voor sociologie, universiteit van Leipzig, Duitsland

Julian Priestley

Bestuurslid van het Jacques Delors instituut en van Votewatch.eu, Verenigd Koninkrijk

Valérie Rabault

Parlementslid, Parti Socialiste, Frankrijk

Ansgar Rannenberg

Instituut voor macro-economisch beleid, Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, Duitsland

Stefano Rodotà

Emeritus professor civiel recht aan de universiteit van Rome Sapienza, Italië

Maria Joao Rodrigues

Beleidsmedewerker in de EU-instellingen, professor aan Université Libre de Bruxelles, Portugal

Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba

Secretaris-generaal van de PSOE, Spanje

Alex Sceberras Trigona

Lid van de wetenschappelijke raad van FEPS en het juristennetwerk van FEPS, voormalig minister van buitenlandse zaken, Malta

Roland Schmidt

Directeur van de Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), Duitsland

Vivien A. Schmidt

Lid van de wetenschappelijke raad van FEPS en Jean Monnet professor van Europese integratie, professor internationale betrekkingen en politieke wetenschappen aan de universiteit van Boston, Verenigde Staten

Wolfgang Schmidt

Commissaris van de Federatie en de Europese Unie en voor buitenlandse zaken, vrij en de hanzestad Hamburg, Duitsland

Gerhard Schröder

Voormalig bondskanselier van Duitsland, Duitsland

Stephan Schulmeister

Oostenrijks instituut voor economisch onderzoek, Oostenrijk

Martin Schulz

Voorzitter van het Europese parlement, Duitsland

Angelica Schwall-Düren

Minister voor Europa van Nordrhein-Westfalen, Duitsland

Ania Skrzypek

Senior onderzoeksmedewerker van de stichting voor Europese progressieve studies (FEPS), Polen

Gerhard Stahl

Lid van de wetenschappelijke raad van FEPS en secretaris-generaal van het regionaal comité, Duitsland

Sergei Stanishev

Voorzitter van de PES, Bulgarije

Peer Steinbrück

Lijsttrekker van de SPD, Duitsland

Ernst Stetter

Secretaris-generaal van de stichting voor Europese progressieve studies (FEPS), Duitsland

Will Straw

Medevoorzitter voor globalisatie en klimaatverandering bij IPPR, Verenigd Koninkrijk

Hannes Swoboda

Voorzitter van de S&D groep in het Europese parlement, Oostenrijk

Britta Thomsen

Lid van het Europese parlement, Denemarken

Catherine Trautmann

Lid van het Europees Parlement en hoofd van de Franse socialistische delegatie in het Europese parlement, Frankrijk

Fabien Valli

S&D groep, afdelingshoofd, Frankrijk

Steven van Hecke

Lid van de FEPS werkgroep Next Left, en assistent-professor in vergelijkende en EU politieke wetenschap aan de universiteit van Leuven (KU Leuven), België

Hubert Védrine

Voormalig minister van Frankrijk, Frankrijk

Benjamin Wilhem

Lid van het FEPS Young Academics netwerk, universiteit van Erfurt, Duitsland

Werner Wobbe

Lid van de wetenschappelijke raad van FEPS en DG onderzoek en innovatie van de Europese commissie, Duitsland/EU

Stewart Wood

Lid van het Labour schaduwkabinet en van het House of Lords in het Verenigd Koninkrijk, Verenigd Koninkrijk