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Renaissance

L'ambition de l'initiative FEPS « Une Renaissance pour l'Europe » est d'impliquer à nouveau les citoyens et leaders dans le débat politique vis-à-vis de la situation de l'Union et de fixer les orientations futures en matière d'intégration. L'essence même du projet reflète l'idée que les populations européennes restent très attachées à la promesse de paix et de prospérité dont l'UE a été le symbole. Toutefois, la droite classique ne leur semble pas à la hauteur de cet engagement historique.

Ainsi, la mission s'articule autour de deux axes : d'une part, politiser la question de l'Europe et démontrer qu'un scénario alternatif est envisageable, et d'autre part, ancrer de manière résolue ce débat dans le contexte de la politique nationale. D'où la décision que nous avons prise il y a deux ans d'exploiter la dynamique des campagnes électorales dans trois des pays fondateurs de l'UE, à savoir la France, l'Italie et l'Allemagne. Cette année, l'initiative « Renaissance » se concentre sur les élections du Parlement européen.

Lire

Tout d'abord, l'idée a réuni les Think tanks de ces trois pays, respectivement la Fondation Jean Jaurès, la Fondation Italianieuropei et la Fondation Friedrich Ebert, qui, en coopération avec la FEPS, ont entamé des délibérations sur la manière de créer un cadre intellectuel de nature à mettre en valeur une sphère publique européenne véritablement politisée.

Le résultat de ces délibérations avait alors été transposé dans la toute première déclaration élaborée au fil de séances de travail consécutives à Bruxelles et à Paris. Ce document a largement contribué au débat portant sur la manière de surmonter les conséquences dévastatrices de la crise économique. S'en sont suivies de nouvelles délibérations, dont il a été fait écho lors du premier séminaire de la « Renaissance pour l'Europe » (qui a rassemblé plus de 100 éminents universitaires issus de l'UE et des États-Unis, en mars, à l'Assemblée nationale), ainsi que dans un livre de la série « Renaissance pour l'Europe », « Austerity is not an answer » (L'austérité n'est pas une réponse).

Parallèlement au débat académique, l'engagement politique des leaders et de leurs partis respectifs n'a cessé de se renforcer, donnant lieu à deux débats passionnants : l'un à Paris en mars 2012 et l'autre, à Turin en février 2013. Deux épisodes historiques, au cours desquels les leaders progressistes des trois états membres fondateurs et issus d'autres pays de l'UE se sont réunis pour affirmer leur volonté de défendre l'Europe, de la faire évoluer conformément à un programme commun et de se soutenir mutuellement dans le cadre de la ré-européanisation de la politique au sein de leurs pays respectifs.

La « Renaissance pour l'Europe » est ainsi devenue un programme largement reconnu et hautement apprécié, intégrant un large éventail d'activités (allant de séminaires privés de haut niveau à des événements publics ouverts à des milliers de personnes) et de publications (notamment, la série de livres « Renaissance pour l'Europe » susmentionnée, inaugurée avec la brochure présentant le mémorable discours d'Helmut Schmidt au congrès du SPD, qui s'était déroulé en 2011, en 16 langues). L'objectif clair du programme représente désormais un nouveau paramètre, à travers le prisme duquel peuvent être analysés les développements politiques intervenant au sein des différents pays, dans le contexte plus large de l'UE.

Après l'incroyable succès des événements mémorables de Paris, Turin et Leipzig, les différents partenaires ont poursuivi leurs travaux et les préparatifs de la prochaine étape sont déjà bien avancés : Bruxelles, en avril 2014.

Nous espérons mettre en éveil une nouvelle énergie parmi les sociétés européennes afin de soutenir la « Renaissance progressiste pour l'Europe ». Cela révèle le pouvoir de transformation qu'une volonté politique peut avoir une fois l'ensemble des leaders progressistes réunis, et c'est sans aucun doute cette entente qui guidera le projet en 2014, à l'occasion des élections européennes.


Editions précédentes


Bruxelles : publications

Paris : publications

Speech de François Hollande

Paris : citations

The resurgence of nationalism, populism and extremism in Europe, fuelled by the current economic, financial and social crisis is one of the main challenges in Europe today. (...) the austerity will have damaging effects on social programs and public budgets that are already being cut down. This will once again hurt the less favoured and the most vulnerable. This is not my definition of a Europe based on solidarity. Europe that shall mean equality, gender equality and social justice.

Zita Gurmai


Social democracy would be at its best when socialism is perceived to be linked with three main reputational factors: modernity; progressiveness and internationalism.

Antonio Estella


The solution to the European crisis must also be European. We need European public budget rules: reasonable, not to lock weaker states in stagnation and unemployment; but clear and strong, as needed by the single currency, to increase reciprocal confidence, avoid opportunistic behaviours, defeat financial speculation. But we also need a truly European strategy for growth and inclusion.

Gianfranco Viesti


Politics is squeezed between the financial markets on one hand, and the electoral markets on the other. The big question is: will the public, will the electorate swallow the eurocrisis-solutions, or will they not accept it. (...) The paradox is that ‘Brussels’ must become more European. Those who want to make the EU less neoliberal, less uniform, and more democratic, need the strongest sense of European cultural history. Not crude ‘economism’, but inhibited cultural inquisitiveness is the right elixir to avoid long term animosity between different countries.

René Cuperus


To redirect Europe onto the road to growth and solidarity it is necessary to fight ongoing crisis in its financial, macroeconomic and social aspects and to give up the one-dimensional and ill-fated focus on reducing public deficits only.

Ulf Meyer-Rix


La plus grand contribution que l’UE pourrait faire aujourd’hui a la croissance mondiale est de transformer l’eurozone en une euro-Communauté au sein de laquelle la BCE retrouverait enfin toutes les marges de manœuvre dont elle a besoin pour contribuer à réduire le cout de la dette et a grandir le bon fonctionnement du marche du crédit.

Pierre Defraigne


The financial sector, both national and international, should have two main functions. Firstly it should serve the needs of the real economy. Secondly, it should help manage and mitigate risks. In the last three decades the private financial sector has done neither, especially since it was liberalised. (...) This is not inevitable. When the financial sector has been well regulated and controlled – and when well-run public banks have played an important role – the financial sector has played a positive role to support real economy.

Stephany Griffith-Jones


Where governments are in a position to do so, they should support domestic growth in the Eurozone’s export countries. Innovative approaches to supporting economy, redistribution means – such as minimum wages – and an effective state spending policy could contribute to that.

Toralf Pusch


Re-building the European Social Model must be the priority for all progressive forces in Europe. Many Europeans fear that governments are neglecting citizens and are obsessed by appeasing the financial markets; have a very narrow view of “competitiveness”; and with fiscal rectitude. (...) A Common Fiscal Policy is key to addressing inequality, sorting out the banks and boosting demand by underwriting an EU stimulus programme. It may begin with a small budget overall, but a small budget in EU terms is still a lot of cash. I would go for tax coordination rather than harmonisation where member states can set rates, within bands, though a common tax base for companies makes sense in a single marker.

Paul Sweeney


The adoption of revenue package by the European Union should be encouraged. (...) I argue that such a package including a financial transaction tax, a European carbon tax, a common corporate tax and a European strategy against tax may yield substantial amounts. This can create opportunities to avoid excessive austerity programmes and help financing new European strategies.

Rémi Bazillier


(...) the evidence is clear that an FTT at EU-27 or at Eurozone level would help strengthen Europe’s finances and reduce the likelihood of crisis. And being one of the first international taxes, a proportion of its revenues should be ear-marked for helping to finance solutions to some of the world’s most difficult international problems like poverty and climate change.

Stephany Griffith-Jones and Avinash Persaud


... over the medium-to-long run the EU needs to design and introduce a number of pan-European taxes to finance the Union’s budget up to 15% of the Union’s GDP – as this will substantiate the issuance of euro-bonds by some EU institutions. The design of transfer mechanism for financial equalisation across the EU will make sure that the less advances and competitive countries can reduce if not close the gap separating them from the others. Real convergence of all EU member countries is indeed crucial for enhancing economic growth and solidarity across the whole Union.

Sergio Rossi

Speech de Martin Schulz

Turin : publications

Turin : citations

...the European re-birth needs to be based on citizens’ participation. If we can provide a clear vision and we empower people, we can build a European democracy in which citizens want to participate. For this, it is necessary to show both in theory and in practice, who does what in the new Europe. (...) We also need to show that Europe is about alternatives – there is not only one way to do things, austerity is not the only possible ‘medicine’ for the crisis.

Mercedes Breso


If European socialists want to challenge the inevitability of a decade of austerity and recession with all its social, economic and political dangers, they now need a programme not just for the 2014 elections but as a roadmap for an alternative Europe. Its starting point has to be a pitiless assault on the record of the centre-right’s management of the euro crisis and the economic devastation in its wake accompanied by a fierce denunciation of the excesses of corporate power and the irresponsible behaviour of business boardrooms. But the effective channelling of anger requires more than just giving it strong expression. It requires a reassertion of values and principles, and then some concrete proposals in a bold and relevant programme of radical change which should convey a sense of urgency to match the crisis. Julian Priestley A clear and ambitious vision has to be drawn up, a vision that identifies reforms and measures that can be put into effect as from now. An exit from thecrisis that combines rigor, growth and solidarity, to strengthen democratic legitimacy and the central role of the EP, to having a Multiannual Financial Framework reflecting our ambitions to give a driving force to innovative investments and lead job creation. We must have a true Economic and Monetary Union based not only upon rules but that also has a coordinated economic policy, a “European Social Pillar” and an ambitious industrial policy. All this should be done in accordance with the community method, so that the transfer of sovereignty is done with the aim of stronger common decisions and not that the strong decide and the rest suffer.

Anna Colombo


We know that distrust for the EU is strongly increased among the peoples of these countries due to the impression that EU fiscal policies are driven from self-interests and calculations of some of the major member states. Such impression sheds a sinister light on the fact that all these states are expected to serve both their citizens and the macroeconomic imperatives as laid down in the EU legislation.

Cesare Pinelli


This ‘permissive consensus’ about social-democratic internationalism has been broken. International and European affairs have become highly politicised, even within the social democratic constituencies. A lot has to do with the populist challenge to social democracy; in fact, all establishment consensus politics has been scrutinized and challenged by the populist revolt against ‘’elite politics’’ in Europe. But the most affected seems to be international and European politics, which depend mostly on a representative mandate of trust in ‘far from our bed’ diplomats, NGOs and experts.

René Cuperus


The European project has still enormous potential to unleash political energy for progressive change in Europe. Yet this energy, carried by all sorts of extra-parliamentary organisations and individuals campaigning for the European common good, is poorly absorbed by often outdated party structures. The Left should seize the opportunity and radically open itself up. EU democratic politics must be more than just horse-trading among the political establishment.

Olaf Cramme


If social democracy wants to promote the interests of the popular classes and the community of citizens in a context that has nothing in common with the post-war era, it will have to depart from the path it has taken over the past century. It will have to struggle for a radical change of direction in the European project, to imagine how to meet the most urgent social needs without high levels of growth, and to introduce more democracy at the heart of the capitalism economy.

Fabien Escalona


Ai partiti progressisti spetta in particolare l'onere di rompere il silenzio delle istituzioni europee sulle violazioni dei diritti fondamentali e dei valori comuni che si compiono anche sul territorio dell'Unione, affinché questa appaia, come è e deve essere, quell'unione di diritto che è disegnata dalla Carta dei diritti fondamentali.

Elena Paciotti


EU leaders need to craft a political discourse that legitimizes the deeper political integration that any such solution entails. EU leaders require narratives to help build a sense of European identity and solidarity as they seek to legitimize ‘more Europe’ to the citizens of Europe. At the same time, however, for citizens’ sense of identity and solidarity to grow, voting in first-order EP elections for the Commission President can only be one small part of the identity-building process. The other would be making the EU part of everyday national discourse, parliamentary debate, public deliberation, and, yes, contestation—and not solely on Eurozone issues.

Vivien A. Schmidt


Sebbene sia un passo avanti, non é suficiente che il Presidente della Commissione sia nel 2014 il candidato del gruppo político della maggioranza nel Parlamento Europeo, né é suficiente una campagna elettorale orientata in questo senso in tutta Europa, se non si estabilisce un quadro costituzionale nel quale risultono fissate le competenze reali delle instituzioni. E nel quale le massime autoritá abbiano la massima legittimitá e, quindi, siano elette dai cittadini.

Diego Lopez Garrido


The elections to the Presidency of the Union would allow the articulation of new cross-cutting political majorities, (…) Elections of this kind would be really founders of a new political system that would allow the creation of European leaderships. They would require European political programs capable to overcome the national specificities and to give to the European citizens of Europe a new political reference. These would contribute to building a new european common public space.

Albert Aixalà


The Commission should be brought back to the center of the EU system and, along with it, the role of the European Parliament should be strengthened as the one institution that confers political legitimacy (through its power to approve or dismiss the Commission) to the Union’s executive. The main political parties should propose, on the occasion of the next elections of the European Parliament in 2014, their respective candidate for President of the Commission, transforming those elections into the arena for politicising the policies of the EU.

Sergio Fabbrini


This crisis has taught us that we are already politically integrated because profoundly interdependent. The question of political community and democracy has therefore been wrongly formulated in Europe. The question is not whether we have the conditions necessary to integrate politically. The real question is how best and legitimately to govern our already integrated political space.

Miguel Poiares Maduro


A more equal distribution of income is a factor of economic stability and development in the long run. Countries should be pushed to reduce income inequality through more redistributive fiscal policy. It implies to reverse this tendency of national policies aiming at increasing the level of price competitiveness through decreasing taxation at the expense of other European countries. In times where European Union is seeking for common policy goals, a coordinated strategy favoring income equality can be a mobilizing goal for European citizens.

Rémi Bazillier


Convergence and adjustment do not happen automatically in EMU, but need to be policy driven. New policy and governance priorities are thus required in the Eurozone to put more emphasis on cooperative games in convergence and competitiveness. (…) Central to the new mandate must be a new fiscal regime based on a symmetric imbalances procedure as outlined above. Big trade surpluses will thus remain a powerful drag on economic activity in the Eurozone and put a big obstacle in the way of the needed adjustments between member states. [Though] …economic integration is necessary, it is not sufficient. Success requires political integration in parallel, within which the democratic mechanisms must be strenghtened. (…)

Paolo Guerrieri


At a moment when millions of citizens are struggling to fare through the troubled waters of economic distress and are being asked to shoulder an additional tax burden, tax evaders and avoiders are busy abusing our tax systems. A political agreement on importance of halving the tax gap by 2020 is the first necessary step. But without a timely adoption of concrete and cohesive national, European and international strategies, the empty words alone will not get us anywhere. Europe has an obligation to its citizens, an opportunity in the global arena and a need to step up its efforts in solving the systemic crisis, to act as a frontrunner in this fight against tax fraud, tax avoidance and tax havens.

Mojca Kleva Kekuš


Eurozone countries may regard Britain’s existential debate on the EU as an unnecessary distraction at a time of economic crisis but it is also worth understanding the currents of public opinion which make this conversation necessary. Those who wish to see Britain remain in the EU should do all they can to support EU reforms that promote growth and democracy. This is the best way of ensuring that pro-European voices in Britain are able to make the pro-European case.

Will Straw

Leipzig : citations

We cannot tolerate, under the pretence of budgetary constraints or competiveness, rising inequalities, extreme poverty, social exclusion, (youth-) unemployment and precarious jobs that are ethically unacceptable and which are creating a social emergency in Europe. Both democracy and the chance of creating good policy are undermined when ineffective and blatantly unjust policies are introduced. (...) As a trade unionist I believe that it is just no longer possible to support a unilateral direction towards more fiscal and economic integration without flagging up an alternative vision. (...) steps to strengthen the social dimension in the EMU are a necessity. However, from a trade union perspective, a discussion on the social dimension of the EMU is only acceptable if it triggers social progress and not social regression.

Sina Frank


Advocates of austerity often portray it as a choice of short term pain in order to achieve long-term gain. However, prolonged periods of high unemployment und low business investment caused by austerity may do long lasting damage via so-called hysteresis mechanisms. For instance, unemployment caused by consolidation may turn structural as the long term unemployed loose vital skills and work habits, and the young never gain them. Lower business investment implies slower growth of the physical capital stock and may slow the pace of technological change. Thus the weakening of economic activity caused by austerity may do long lasting damage to the productive capacity of the European Economy.

Ansgar Rannenberg


My thesis is that as a result of the government debt crises, not only the institutional deficits of the common currency became obvious, but they also lead to a growing social divergence within the Euro area. However, the European rescue measures to support the weak Euro states focus merely on economical aspects, while social problems are ignored and therefore rather exacerbated. Based on these considerations it will thus be argued that the social destabilizations in some Euro countries, in combination with the ignorance on the European level concerning these problems, will in the long run considerably threaten the institutional balance of the Euro and along with that the EU as a whole, and that a fundamental readjustment will be necessary.

Jenny Preunkert


There is an inverse relationship between solidarity and coordination in the European Union today. Capacity and institution building are considered as instruments to compensate for the inadequate level of solidarity. Is this a viable strategy? If solidarity is based on a combination of normative and institutional allegiance, the current measures do answer to the rational dimension of solidarity, to the expectation that resources will be spent appropriately and effectively? Creating new rules and mechanisms may help to repair the lack of trust and commonly felt responsibility, but it seems highly questionable if it can be the ultimate response to the lack of a deeper sense of communality, of shared Europeaness as a driver for solidarity in the European Union.

André W. M. Gerrits


... conceptualisation of Social Europe has been originating from a traditional understanding of the role of social democracy; namely it has pledged as a political movement to deliver a compromise between labour and capital. Empowering Europeans socially, economically and politically would signify making them signatories of the historical contract. (...) The call therefore is about re-assuming a historical responsibility for shaping a new social deal on the European level. It is about restoring the sense of politics that does not subordinate to financial capitalism, but that serves people. Exercised on their behalf, politics must pave the way towards a fairer, better society. It is therefore about re-establishing logic of the alternative, both in political terms and on the individual level – while empowering all women and men to self-determination and to a choice.

Ania Skrzypek


The transition from “finance-capitalistic” to “real-capitalistic” framework conditions usually takes many depressive years as governance according to the old navigation map makes things only worse. Such a transition phase calls for a New Deal which changes the direction of the course even without guidance by a new theory. (...) A New Deal for Europe should include many components, in particular as regards the additional regulations of financial markets/actors and public investments in infrastructure, education and environment.

Stephan Schulmeister


This is the time to regenerate and mobilize Europe with a unifying new narrative, to deepen our bonds and transform into a real Community, a Federation of Nation States. Let us make the center-left the catalyst and take the initiative, make the effort and trickle down the message of why we need more Europe. To eliminate once and for all any risk of dismantling the most noble and genuine accomplishment of Europe's political history.(...)

Anna Diamantopoulou


Real convergence is absolutely necessary as a simply nominal one has proved ineffective and totally unrealistic at this stage. We need to reform the EU's fiscal rules with the aim of protecting public investments, also through a "golden rule" excluding productive investment and national contributions to the EU budget from the SGP computation of deficits. We also want the creation of a European fiscal capacity in the form of an anti-cyclical fund financed with own resources.

Anna Colombo

The EU needs to promote a new European social contract along the following lines:
  • Adoption of a European emergency action plan, financed by mutualized debt and EIB loans, that promotes economic growth and employment, especially for young people.
  • Adoption of a European wage policy that reflects productivity gains and implementation of a European minimum wage.
  • Support for a social security system that ensures a high level of health, family, unemployment and retirement protection. Combating poverty and social inequality therefore seems to remain a priority goal for a Social Europe. As poverty has many causes, we may reflect on market income, namely wages, regulation, redistributive and social service policies of the welfare state and labour market participation of families.
  • Thinking on what would be the role of a Social Europe in these areas we may concentrate on some normative reflections on minimum wage setting and its coordination with social policies.

Irene Dingeldey


Consideration of the possibility of implementing unemployment insurance to complement national subsidies in the Eurozone countries. • Implementation of guarantees to strengthen collective bargaining and worker codetermination. • Inclusion, in a reformed treaty, of a social progress clause that guarantees basic social rights and endorses the European social model.

Diego Lopez Garrido


Je veux proposer ici trois mesures simples et concrètes, la première pour limiter certains licenciements, la seconde pour faire gagner de la croissance à court terme, la dernière pour engager enfin la croissance durable qui n'existe aujourd'hui encore à Bruxelles que dans les discours. Mesure n°1: faire payer davantage aux entreprises en bonne santé qui annoncent des plans de licenciement, le coût social réel des mesures qu'elles envisagent. Mesure n°2: donner au « semestre budgétaire européen » actuellement prévu par les institutions de l'Union une dimension « jeu coopératif à somme positive » actuellement complètement ignorée à Bruxelles. Mesure n°3: relancer la mise en oeuvre par l'Union européenne d'une taxe carbone efficace, dans des conditions qui retirent aux entreprises concernées leur principal argument contre cette taxe: celui du risque de perte de compétitivité au niveau mondial.

Gérard Fuchs


The basic idea underlying the corridor model, developed in the 1990s, is the maintenance of a close connection between levels of economic and welfare state development in the EU member states. During periods of crisis in which drastic cuts are made in social security systems European regulation of this kind is crucial. This concept can also be used to prevent social dumping between member states and to facilitate welfare state catch-up processes on the part of less developed members.

Klaus Busch


In the global economy, young people must be educated and prepared for rapid technological change and competition from workers around the world. This economy demands that all students attain at least a high-school diploma; that they be educated to global standards of excellence. It increasingly requires that they attain some higher-education or substantial on-the-job training. Progressives should make investment in education with the goal of achieving a world-class education for all a key pillar of their economic agendas. Specific measures are needed to tackle the barriers facing disadvantaged youths who are neither in employment, education or training. It is up to progressives to get the word out and steer funding to programmes such as second-chance schools in Europe. Youths should work, train, or actively search while receiving assistance.

Yannis Mastrogeorgiou


... the EMU should be equipped with a proper fiscal capacity able to cushion asymmetric shocks, whatever the Member State, and able to promote catching-up and structural convergence between Member States by focusing on capacity building. The financial resources of this fiscal capacity (preferably own resources) can provide a basis for borrowing via Eurobonds in order to finance European investments, complementing the national ones. This can become an embryo of European Treasury. (...) such a development of the Economic and Monetary Union should be based on a New Deal whereby Member States should accept: - stronger European supervision on their banks, if a common bank resolution and deposit guarantee is build up; - stronger coordination of their economic and social policies and reforms, if a fiscal capacity is build up; -stronger sharing of sovereignty at European level, if the decisions are taken in more democratic terms.

Maria João Rodrigues


It is clear that European public opinion will support such a policy that involves giving more resources to the EU only if the objectives are prescribed clearly, and provided that the potential benefits are effectively communicated, including: - Reduction in high, socially unacceptable unemployment levels, especially in the hardest-hit places in the EU; - A new economic model that is not overly-dependent on financial services but which instead focuses on constructing a solid industrial basis for the EU which ensures both competitiveness and solidarity; -A European Union that becomes a coherent economic and political actor internationally, able to defend the general European interest against other economic powerhouses such as the US, China and the BRICs; - European Union that supports decentralisation, subsidiarity and regional and local self-government for all policies which are not strategic for the defence of the common European interest...

Gerhard Stahl


The development of a Social Europe (as an equivalent to the existing economic Europe and as a complement to the single market) has since a long time being hampered by indifference, if not obstruction from certain member states. Like in other policy domains in which no basic agreement has been found, this has led to a Europe à la carte with a number of member states having opt-outs (or strictly speaking: opt-ins) whereas applicant member states have to stick to a fixed menu. (...)

Steven van Hecke


... the quality of democracy should be a priority at all times and that politics and policies need to be at the centre of the crisis debate. Our basic argument is that such a deep economic and social crisis is also inevitably a crisis of democracy. It is also a challenge for social democracy today to provide a coherent and intuitive interpretation of the crisis and an integrated policy proposal based on the need to balance economic sustainability with social cohesion and democracy.

Zinovia Lialiouti


Réflexions


Intervenants précédents

Albert Aixalà

Membre du groupe de travail de la FEPS « Next Left » et directeur de la Fundació Rafael Campalans, en Espagne

Giuliano Amato

Ancien Premier ministre d'Italie et président du comité consultatif de la Fondazione Italianieuropei

Lorenza Antonucci

Membre du Young Academics Network de la FEPS, Université de Bristol, Italie/Royaume-Uni

Jean-Marc Ayrault

Président du groupe socialiste à l'Assemblée nationale et député-maire de Nantes, France

Luciano Bardi

Professeur de sciences politiques à l'Université de Pise, Italie

Rémi Bazillier

Membre du groupe de réflexion « Next Left » de la FEPS, du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS et professeur assistant à l'Université d'Orléans, France

Pier Luigi Bersani

Secrétaire du Partito Democratico et candidat de la Coalition de centre gauche à la présidence du Conseil, Italie

Jean-Louis Bianco

Conseiller auprès d'Harlem Désir aux affaires européennes, PS France, France

Mercedes Bresso

Conseillère régionale de la région Piémont au sein du Partito Democratico, et ancienne présidente du Comité des Régions, Italie

Flavio Brugnoli

Directeur du Centre d'études sur le fédéralisme, Italie

Klaus Busch

Université d'Osnabrück, président de l'école postuniversitaire de la Fondation Hans Böckler, « Employer’s interest and employee participation in a European Social Model », Allemagne

Marco Causi

Professeur d'économie à l'Université de Rome 3 et député du Parti démocrate, Italie

Bernard Cazeneuve

Ministre des Affaires étrangères, France

Daniel Cohen

Professeur d'économie, École Normale Supérieure, président du Conseil scientifique de la Fondation Jean-Jaurès, France

Anna Colombo

Secrétaire générale du Groupe de l'Alliance progressiste des Socialistes et Démocrates au Parlement européen (S&D), Italie

Olaf Cramme

Directeur du Policy Network, Allemagne

René Cuperus

Directeur des relations internationales et Senior Research Fellow à la Fondation Wiardi Beckman, Pays-Bas

Massimo D’Alema

Président de la FEPS et de la Fondazione Italianieuropei et ancien Premier ministre, Italie

Howard Dean

Gouverneur et membre du conseil d'administration de l'Institut national démocratique (NDI), États-Unis

Harlem Désir

Leader du PS, France

Anna Diamantopoulou

Présidente de To Dyktio, Grèce

Patrick Diamond

Membre du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS, Gwilym Gibbon Fellow au Nuffield College, Oxford, et Senior Fellow du Policy Network, Royaume-Uni

Irene Dingeldey

Université de Brême, Allemagne

Elio Di Rupo

Premier ministre belge, Belgique

Karl Duffek

Secrétaire général de l'Institut Karl Renner et vice-président de la FEPS, Autriche

Fabien Escalona

Doctorant en science politique à Sciences Po Grenoble, France

Sergio Fabbrini

Directeur de la School of Government à l'Université LUISS de Rome, Italie

Laurent Fabius

Ancien Premier ministre français, France

Stefano Fassina

Responsable pour l'Économie et le Travail du Parti démocrate, Italie

Piero Fassino

Maire de Turin, Italie

Gilles Finchelstein

Directeur général de la Fondation Jean Jaurès, France

Sina Frank

Division de la politique européenne de la Confédération des syndicats allemands (DGB), Allemagne

Gérard Fuchs

Directeur du secteur International de la Fondation Jean-Jaurès, France

Sigmar Gabriel

Président du SPD, Allemagne

André Gerrits

Membre du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS et professeur de politique et d'histoire russe à l'Université de Leyde, Pays-Bas

Hedi Giusto

Responsable du Département des relations internationales, Fondation Italianieuropei, Italie

Roberto Gualtieri

Membre du Parlement européen, Italie

Paolo Guerrieri

Professeur d'économie à l'Université de Rome La Sapienza, Italie

Elisabeth Guigou

Présidente de la commission des Affaires étrangères de l'Assemblée nationale, France

Zita Gurmai

Présidente du PSE Femmes et vice-présidente de la FEPS, Hongrie

Ernst Hillebrand

Directeur de bureau à la Fondation Friedrich Ebert, Allemagne

Dierk Hirschel

Membre du Conseil exécutif fédéral au Syndicat unifié des services, Ver.di, Allemagne

François Hollande

Président de la France

Lionel Jospin

Ancien Premier ministre français, France

Burkhard Jung

Maire de Leipzig, Allemagne

Anna Maria Kellner

Fondation Friedrich Erbert, Allemagne

Mojca Kleva Kekuš

Membre du Parlement européen, Slovénie

Matthias Kollatz-Ahnen

Ancien vice-président de la Banque européenne d'investissement (BEI) et actuellement Senior Expert chez PwC, Allemagne

Marije Laffeber

Secrétaire générale adjointe du PSE, Pays-Bas/Union européenne

Zinovia Lialiouti

Chercheuse, Institute for Strategic Analysis and Studies (ISTAME), Grèce

Lord (Roger) Liddle

Membre du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS et président du Policy Network, Royaume-Uni

Bruno Liebhaberg

Président du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS, Belgique

Diego Lopez Garrido

Membre du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS, ancien secrétaire d'État pour l'Union européenne et député, Espagne

Kurt Richard Luther

Professeur de politique comparée à l'Université de Keele, Royaume-Uni

Francesca Marinaro

Députée du Parti démocrate, Italie

Roçio Martinez Sampere

Députée socialiste au Parlement de Catalogne, Espagne

Giannis Mastrogeorgiou

Directeur de To Dyktio, Grèce

Raffaello Matarazzo

Chargé de recherche à l'Instituto Affari Internazionali, Italie

Zoran Milanović

Premier ministre croate, Croatie

Pierre Moscovici

Directeur de campagne de François Hollande et ancien ministre, France

Henri Nallet

Vice-président de la FEPS et vice-président de la Fondation Jean-Jaurès, France

Esther Niubó

Directrice de la Fundacio Rafael Campalans, Espagne

Elena Paciotti

Présidente de la Fondazione Lelio e Lisli Basso, Italie

Pim Paulusma

Membre du Young Academics Network de la FEPS, Université de Nijmegen, Pays-Bas

Andrea Peruzy

Secrétaire général de la Fondazione Italianieuropei, Italie

Cesare Pinelli

Professeur de droit public à l'Université de Rome « La Sapienza », Italie

Lapo Pistelli

Député et responsable du secteur International du Partito Democratico, Italie

Miguel Poiares Maduro

Professeur et Directeur du Global Governance Programme (programme de gouvernance mondiale) à l'Institut universitaire européen, Portugal

Yonnec Polet

Premier secrétaire général adjoint du PSE, Belgique

Victor Ponta

Premier ministre roumain, Roumanie

Jenny Preunkert

Institut de Sociologie, Université de Leipzig, Allemagne

Julian Priestley

Membre du conseil de l'Institut Jacques Delors et de Votewatch.eu, Royaume-Uni

Valérie Rabault

Membre du Parlement, Parti socialiste, France

Ansgar Rannenberg

Macroeconomic Policy Institute, Fondation Hans Böckler, Allemagne

Stefano Rodotà

Professeur émérite de droit civil, Université de Rome « La Sapienza », Italie

Maria Joao Rodrigues

Conseillère politique auprès des institutions européennes, professeur à l'Université Libre de Bruxelles, Portugal

Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba

Secrétaire général du PSOE, Espagne

Alex Sceberras Trigona

Membre du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS et du Jurist Network de la FEPS, ancien ministre des Affaires étrangères, Malte

Roland Schmidt

Directeur de la Fondation Friedrich Ebert (FES), Allemagne

Vivien A. Schmidt

Membre du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS et professeur Jean Monnet d'intégration européenne, professeur de relations internationales et de sciences politiques à l'Université de Boston, États-Unis

Wolfgang Schmidt

Mandataire de l'Etat fédéral, auprès de l'Union européenne et des Affaires étrangères, Représentation fédérale de la ville d'Hambourg libre et hanséatique, Allemagne

Gerhard Schröder

Ancien chancelier allemand, Allemagne

Stephan Schulmeister

Institut autrichien de recherches économiques, Autriche

Martin Schulz

Président du Parlement européen, Allemagne

Angelica Schwall-Düren

Ministre des Affaires européennes du Land de Rhénanie-Du-Nord-Westphalie, Allemagne

Ania Skrzypek

Senior Research Fellow de la Fondation européenne d'études progressistes (FEPS), Pologne

Gerhard Stahl

Membre du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS et Secrétaire général du Comité des régions, Allemagne

Sergei Stanishev

Président du PSE, Bulgarie

Peer Steinbrück

Candidat du SPD à la chancellerie, Allemagne

Ernst Stetter

Secrétaire général de la Fondation européenne d'études progressistes (FEPS), Allemagne

Will Straw

Codirecteur en mondialisation et changement climatique à l'IPPR, Royaume-Uni

Hannes Swoboda

Président du groupe S&D au Parlement européen, Autriche

Britta Thomsen

Membre du Parlement européen, Danemark

Catherine Trautmann

Députée européenne et présidente de la délégation des socialistes au Parlement européen, France

Fabien Valli

Groupe S&D, directeur de bureau, France

Steven van Hecke

Membre du groupe de réflexion « Next Left » de la FEPS, professeur assistant de politique comparée et européenne à l'Université de Louvain, Belgique

Hubert Védrine

Ancien ministre français, France

Benjamin Wilhem

Membre du Young Academics Network de la FEPS, Université d'Erfurt, Allemagne

Werner Wobbe

Membre du Conseil scientifique de la FEPS et de la direction générale de la recherche et de l'innovation de la Commission européenne, Allemagne/EU

Stewart Wood

Membre du Cabinet fantôme travailliste et de la Chambre des Lords, Royaume-Uni