The ambition of the FEPS initiative “Renaissance for Europe” has been to reengage progressive leaders and citizens in a political discussion about the state of the Union and the desired directions of integration. The design of the project reflects an idea that the European populations are still very attached to the promise of peace and prosperity that the EU has been a symbol of. However they do not see the mainstream right will uphold this historical pledge.
The mission therefore is two-folded: on one hand to politicise the question of the EU and show that an alternative scenario is possible; and on the other to decisively anchor this debate in the context of national politics. Hence the decision we made two years ago of using the momentum of the electoral campaigns in three of the founding states of the EU, namely France, Italy and Germany. This year we focus “Renaissance” on the Elections to the European Parliament.
To begin with, the idea united the think tanks from those three countries – respectively the Fondation Jean Jaures, Italiani Europei and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung – who in cooperation with FEPS began deliberations on how to create an intellectual ambiance that would lead to a creation a truly politicised European public sphere.
The effects of these deliberations were reflected in the very first declaration that had been elaborated through a set of consecutive working sessions in Brussels and Paris. This document made a strong contribution to a debate on how to overcome the effects of the disastrous economic crisis at hand. It provoked further deliberations, that were both echoed during the first seminar of the “Renaissance for Europe” (which gathered over 100 prominent academics from the EU and the US and was held in March in the National Assembly), as also in a book of the “Renaissance for Europe” series – “Austerity is not an answer”.
Parallel to the academic debate, the political commitment from the leaders and their respective parties has been growing – resulting in two fascinating debate that took place in Paris in March 2012 and Turin in February 2013. These were two historical moments as progressive leaders from both the three founding member states and the EU level came together to pledge their will to uphold Europe, to change it accordingly to a common agenda and to support one another in re-Europeanising the politics in their respective countries.
The “Renaissance for Europe” became herewith a widely-recognised and highly appreciated programme, that incorporated a broad range of activities (from closed high-level seminars to public events opened to thousands of people) and publications (the above mentioned already “Renaissance for Europe” book series, which was inaugurated with the pamphlet presenting the memorable speech of Helmut Schmidt from the SPD Congress 2011 in 16 languages). The clear objective of the programme has already become a new parameter through which prism the political developments within different respective countries can be analysed within the broader, EU context.
Following the great success of the memorable Paris, Turin and Leipzig events, the partners have continued their work and currently are already well advanced with the preparations of the next step: Brussels April 2014.
We have the hope that a new energy can be found among European societies to support the progressive “Renaissance for Europe”. This proves the transformative strength of a political will once forward- thinking leaders come together – and this understanding will undoubtedly guide the project in 2014 with the EU Elections.
The resurgence of nationalism, populism and extremism in Europe, fuelled by the current economic, financial and social crisis is one of the main challenges in Europe today. (...) the austerity will have damaging effects on social programs and public budgets that are already being cut down. This will once again hurt the less favoured and the most vulnerable. This is not my definition of a Europe based on solidarity. Europe that shall mean equality, gender equality and social justice.
Social democracy would be at its best when socialism is perceived to be linked with three main reputational factors: modernity; progressiveness and internationalism.
The solution to the European crisis must also be European. We need European public budget rules: reasonable, not to lock weaker states in stagnation and unemployment; but clear and strong, as needed by the single currency, to increase reciprocal confidence, avoid opportunistic behaviours, defeat financial speculation. But we also need a truly European strategy for growth and inclusion.
Politics is squeezed between the financial markets on one hand, and the electoral markets on the other. The big question is: will the public, will the electorate swallow the eurocrisis-solutions, or will they not accept it. (...) The paradox is that ‘Brussels’ must become more European. Those who want to make the EU less neoliberal, less uniform, and more democratic, need the strongest sense of European cultural history. Not crude ‘economism’, but inhibited cultural inquisitiveness is the right elixir to avoid long term animosity between different countries.
To redirect Europe onto the road to growth and solidarity it is necessary to fight ongoing crisis in its financial, macroeconomic and social aspects and to give up the one-dimensional and ill-fated focus on reducing public deficits only.
La plus grand contribution que l’UE pourrait faire aujourd’hui a la croissance mondiale est de transformer l’eurozone en une euro-Communauté au sein de laquelle la BCE retrouverait enfin toutes les marges de manœuvre dont elle a besoin pour contribuer à réduire le cout de la dette et a grandir le bon fonctionnement du marche du crédit.
The financial sector, both national and international, should have two main functions. Firstly it should serve the needs of the real economy. Secondly, it should help manage and mitigate risks. In the last three decades the private financial sector has done neither, especially since it was liberalised. (...) This is not inevitable. When the financial sector has been well regulated and controlled – and when well-run public banks have played an important role – the financial sector has played a positive role to support real economy.
Where governments are in a position to do so, they should support domestic growth in the Eurozone’s export countries. Innovative approaches to supporting economy, redistribution means – such as minimum wages – and an effective state spending policy could contribute to that.
Re-building the European Social Model must be the priority for all progressive forces in Europe. Many Europeans fear that governments are neglecting citizens and are obsessed by appeasing the financial markets; have a very narrow view of “competitiveness”; and with fiscal rectitude. (...) A Common Fiscal Policy is key to addressing inequality, sorting out the banks and boosting demand by underwriting an EU stimulus programme. It may begin with a small budget overall, but a small budget in EU terms is still a lot of cash. I would go for tax coordination rather than harmonisation where member states can set rates, within bands, though a common tax base for companies makes sense in a single marker.
The adoption of revenue package by the European Union should be encouraged. (...) I argue that such a package including a financial transaction tax, a European carbon tax, a common corporate tax and a European strategy against tax may yield substantial amounts. This can create opportunities to avoid excessive austerity programmes and help financing new European strategies.
(...) the evidence is clear that an FTT at EU-27 or at Eurozone level would help strengthen Europe’s finances and reduce the likelihood of crisis. And being one of the first international taxes, a proportion of its revenues should be ear-marked for helping to finance solutions to some of the world’s most difficult international problems like poverty and climate change.
Stephany Griffith-Jones and Avinash Persaud
... over the medium-to-long run the EU needs to design and introduce a number of pan-European taxes to finance the Union’s budget up to 15% of the Union’s GDP – as this will substantiate the issuance of euro-bonds by some EU institutions. The design of transfer mechanism for financial equalisation across the EU will make sure that the less advances and competitive countries can reduce if not close the gap separating them from the others. Real convergence of all EU member countries is indeed crucial for enhancing economic growth and solidarity across the whole Union.
...the European re-birth needs to be based on citizens’ participation. If we can provide a clear vision and we empower people, we can build a European democracy in which citizens want to participate. For this, it is necessary to show both in theory and in practice, who does what in the new Europe. (...) We also need to show that Europe is about alternatives – there is not only one way to do things, austerity is not the only possible ‘medicine’ for the crisis.
If European socialists want to challenge the inevitability of a decade of austerity and recession with all its social, economic and political dangers, they now need a programme not just for the 2014 elections but as a roadmap for an alternative Europe. Its starting point has to be a pitiless assault on the record of the centre-right’s management of the euro crisis and the economic devastation in its wake accompanied by a fierce denunciation of the excesses of corporate power and the irresponsible behaviour of business boardrooms. But the effective channelling of anger requires more than just giving it strong expression. It requires a reassertion of values and principles, and then some concrete proposals in a bold and relevant programme of radical change which should convey a sense of urgency to match the crisis. Julian Priestley A clear and ambitious vision has to be drawn up, a vision that identifies reforms and measures that can be put into effect as from now. An exit from thecrisis that combines rigor, growth and solidarity, to strengthen democratic legitimacy and the central role of the EP, to having a Multiannual Financial Framework reflecting our ambitions to give a driving force to innovative investments and lead job creation. We must have a true Economic and Monetary Union based not only upon rules but that also has a coordinated economic policy, a “European Social Pillar” and an ambitious industrial policy. All this should be done in accordance with the community method, so that the transfer of sovereignty is done with the aim of stronger common decisions and not that the strong decide and the rest suffer.
We know that distrust for the EU is strongly increased among the peoples of these countries due to the impression that EU fiscal policies are driven from self-interests and calculations of some of the major member states. Such impression sheds a sinister light on the fact that all these states are expected to serve both their citizens and the macroeconomic imperatives as laid down in the EU legislation.
This ‘permissive consensus’ about social-democratic internationalism has been broken. International and European affairs have become highly politicised, even within the social democratic constituencies. A lot has to do with the populist challenge to social democracy; in fact, all establishment consensus politics has been scrutinized and challenged by the populist revolt against ‘’elite politics’’ in Europe. But the most affected seems to be international and European politics, which depend mostly on a representative mandate of trust in ‘far from our bed’ diplomats, NGOs and experts.
The European project has still enormous potential to unleash political energy for progressive change in Europe. Yet this energy, carried by all sorts of extra-parliamentary organisations and individuals campaigning for the European common good, is poorly absorbed by often outdated party structures. The Left should seize the opportunity and radically open itself up. EU democratic politics must be more than just horse-trading among the political establishment.
If social democracy wants to promote the interests of the popular classes and the community of citizens in a context that has nothing in common with the post-war era, it will have to depart from the path it has taken over the past century. It will have to struggle for a radical change of direction in the European project, to imagine how to meet the most urgent social needs without high levels of growth, and to introduce more democracy at the heart of the capitalism economy.
Ai partiti progressisti spetta in particolare l'onere di rompere il silenzio delle istituzioni europee sulle violazioni dei diritti fondamentali e dei valori comuni che si compiono anche sul territorio dell'Unione, affinché questa appaia, come è e deve essere, quell'unione di diritto che è disegnata dalla Carta dei diritti fondamentali.
EU leaders need to craft a political discourse that legitimizes the deeper political integration that any such solution entails. EU leaders require narratives to help build a sense of European identity and solidarity as they seek to legitimize ‘more Europe’ to the citizens of Europe. At the same time, however, for citizens’ sense of identity and solidarity to grow, voting in first-order EP elections for the Commission President can only be one small part of the identity-building process. The other would be making the EU part of everyday national discourse, parliamentary debate, public deliberation, and, yes, contestation—and not solely on Eurozone issues.
Vivien A. Schmidt
Sebbene sia un passo avanti, non é suficiente che il Presidente della Commissione sia nel 2014 il candidato del gruppo político della maggioranza nel Parlamento Europeo, né é suficiente una campagna elettorale orientata in questo senso in tutta Europa, se non si estabilisce un quadro costituzionale nel quale risultono fissate le competenze reali delle instituzioni. E nel quale le massime autoritá abbiano la massima legittimitá e, quindi, siano elette dai cittadini.
Diego Lopez Garrido
The elections to the Presidency of the Union would allow the articulation of new cross-cutting political majorities, (…) Elections of this kind would be really founders of a new political system that would allow the creation of European leaderships. They would require European political programs capable to overcome the national specificities and to give to the European citizens of Europe a new political reference. These would contribute to building a new european common public space.
The Commission should be brought back to the center of the EU system and, along with it, the role of the European Parliament should be strengthened as the one institution that confers political legitimacy (through its power to approve or dismiss the Commission) to the Union’s executive. The main political parties should propose, on the occasion of the next elections of the European Parliament in 2014, their respective candidate for President of the Commission, transforming those elections into the arena for politicising the policies of the EU.
This crisis has taught us that we are already politically integrated because profoundly interdependent. The question of political community and democracy has therefore been wrongly formulated in Europe. The question is not whether we have the conditions necessary to integrate politically. The real question is how best and legitimately to govern our already integrated political space.
Miguel Poiares Maduro
A more equal distribution of income is a factor of economic stability and development in the long run. Countries should be pushed to reduce income inequality through more redistributive fiscal policy. It implies to reverse this tendency of national policies aiming at increasing the level of price competitiveness through decreasing taxation at the expense of other European countries. In times where European Union is seeking for common policy goals, a coordinated strategy favoring income equality can be a mobilizing goal for European citizens.
Convergence and adjustment do not happen automatically in EMU, but need to be policy driven. New policy and governance priorities are thus required in the Eurozone to put more emphasis on cooperative games in convergence and competitiveness. (…) Central to the new mandate must be a new fiscal regime based on a symmetric imbalances procedure as outlined above. Big trade surpluses will thus remain a powerful drag on economic activity in the Eurozone and put a big obstacle in the way of the needed adjustments between member states. [Though] …economic integration is necessary, it is not sufficient. Success requires political integration in parallel, within which the democratic mechanisms must be strenghtened. (…)
At a moment when millions of citizens are struggling to fare through the troubled waters of economic distress and are being asked to shoulder an additional tax burden, tax evaders and avoiders are busy abusing our tax systems. A political agreement on importance of halving the tax gap by 2020 is the first necessary step. But without a timely adoption of concrete and cohesive national, European and international strategies, the empty words alone will not get us anywhere. Europe has an obligation to its citizens, an opportunity in the global arena and a need to step up its efforts in solving the systemic crisis, to act as a frontrunner in this fight against tax fraud, tax avoidance and tax havens.
Mojca Kleva Kekuš
Eurozone countries may regard Britain’s existential debate on the EU as an unnecessary distraction at a time of economic crisis but it is also worth understanding the currents of public opinion which make this conversation necessary. Those who wish to see Britain remain in the EU should do all they can to support EU reforms that promote growth and democracy. This is the best way of ensuring that pro-European voices in Britain are able to make the pro-European case.
Speech Massimo D’Alema on Social Europe
Speech François Hollande for the 150th anniversary of the SPD
Speech Sigmar Gabriel for the 150th anniversary of the SPD
We cannot tolerate, under the pretence of budgetary constraints or competiveness, rising inequalities, extreme poverty, social exclusion, (youth-) unemployment and precarious jobs that are ethically unacceptable and which are creating a social emergency in Europe. Both democracy and the chance of creating good policy are undermined when ineffective and blatantly unjust policies are introduced. (...) As a trade unionist I believe that it is just no longer possible to support a unilateral direction towards more fiscal and economic integration without flagging up an alternative vision. (...) steps to strengthen the social dimension in the EMU are a necessity. However, from a trade union perspective, a discussion on the social dimension of the EMU is only acceptable if it triggers social progress and not social regression.
Advocates of austerity often portray it as a choice of short term pain in order to achieve long-term gain. However, prolonged periods of high unemployment und low business investment caused by austerity may do long lasting damage via so-called hysteresis mechanisms. For instance, unemployment caused by consolidation may turn structural as the long term unemployed loose vital skills and work habits, and the young never gain them. Lower business investment implies slower growth of the physical capital stock and may slow the pace of technological change. Thus the weakening of economic activity caused by austerity may do long lasting damage to the productive capacity of the European Economy.
My thesis is that as a result of the government debt crises, not only the institutional deficits of the common currency became obvious, but they also lead to a growing social divergence within the Euro area. However, the European rescue measures to support the weak Euro states focus merely on economical aspects, while social problems are ignored and therefore rather exacerbated. Based on these considerations it will thus be argued that the social destabilizations in some Euro countries, in combination with the ignorance on the European level concerning these problems, will in the long run considerably threaten the institutional balance of the Euro and along with that the EU as a whole, and that a fundamental readjustment will be necessary.
There is an inverse relationship between solidarity and coordination in the European Union today. Capacity and institution building are considered as instruments to compensate for the inadequate level of solidarity. Is this a viable strategy? If solidarity is based on a combination of normative and institutional allegiance, the current measures do answer to the rational dimension of solidarity, to the expectation that resources will be spent appropriately and effectively? Creating new rules and mechanisms may help to repair the lack of trust and commonly felt responsibility, but it seems highly questionable if it can be the ultimate response to the lack of a deeper sense of communality, of shared Europeaness as a driver for solidarity in the European Union.
André W. M. Gerrits
... conceptualisation of Social Europe has been originating from a traditional understanding of the role of social democracy; namely it has pledged as a political movement to deliver a compromise between labour and capital. Empowering Europeans socially, economically and politically would signify making them signatories of the historical contract. (...) The call therefore is about re-assuming a historical responsibility for shaping a new social deal on the European level. It is about restoring the sense of politics that does not subordinate to financial capitalism, but that serves people. Exercised on their behalf, politics must pave the way towards a fairer, better society. It is therefore about re-establishing logic of the alternative, both in political terms and on the individual level – while empowering all women and men to self-determination and to a choice.
The transition from “finance-capitalistic” to “real-capitalistic” framework conditions usually takes many depressive years as governance according to the old navigation map makes things only worse. Such a transition phase calls for a New Deal which changes the direction of the course even without guidance by a new theory. (...) A New Deal for Europe should include many components, in particular as regards the additional regulations of financial markets/actors and public investments in infrastructure, education and environment.
This is the time to regenerate and mobilize Europe with a unifying new narrative, to deepen our bonds and transform into a real Community, a Federation of Nation States. Let us make the center-left the catalyst and take the initiative, make the effort and trickle down the message of why we need more Europe. To eliminate once and for all any risk of dismantling the most noble and genuine accomplishment of Europe's political history.(...)
Real convergence is absolutely necessary as a simply nominal one has proved ineffective and totally unrealistic at this stage. We need to reform the EU's fiscal rules with the aim of protecting public investments, also through a "golden rule" excluding productive investment and national contributions to the EU budget from the SGP computation of deficits. We also want the creation of a European fiscal capacity in the form of an anti-cyclical fund financed with own resources.
The EU needs to promote a new European social contract along the following lines:
- Adoption of a European emergency action plan, financed by mutualized debt and EIB loans, that promotes economic growth and employment, especially for young people.
- Adoption of a European wage policy that reflects productivity gains and implementation of a European minimum wage.
- Support for a social security system that ensures a high level of health, family, unemployment and retirement protection. Combating poverty and social inequality therefore seems to remain a priority goal for a Social Europe. As poverty has many causes, we may reflect on market income, namely wages, regulation, redistributive and social service policies of the welfare state and labour market participation of families.
- Thinking on what would be the role of a Social Europe in these areas we may concentrate on some normative reflections on minimum wage setting and its coordination with social policies.
Consideration of the possibility of implementing unemployment insurance to complement national subsidies in the Eurozone countries. • Implementation of guarantees to strengthen collective bargaining and worker codetermination. • Inclusion, in a reformed treaty, of a social progress clause that guarantees basic social rights and endorses the European social model.
Diego Lopez Garrido
Je veux proposer ici trois mesures simples et concrètes, la première pour limiter certains licenciements, la seconde pour faire gagner de la croissance à court terme, la dernière pour engager enfin la croissance durable qui n'existe aujourd'hui encore à Bruxelles que dans les discours. Mesure n°1: faire payer davantage aux entreprises en bonne santé qui annoncent des plans de licenciement, le coût social réel des mesures qu'elles envisagent. Mesure n°2: donner au « semestre budgétaire européen » actuellement prévu par les institutions de l'Union une dimension « jeu coopératif à somme positive » actuellement complètement ignorée à Bruxelles. Mesure n°3: relancer la mise en oeuvre par l'Union européenne d'une taxe carbone efficace, dans des conditions qui retirent aux entreprises concernées leur principal argument contre cette taxe: celui du risque de perte de compétitivité au niveau mondial.
The basic idea underlying the corridor model, developed in the 1990s, is the maintenance of a close connection between levels of economic and welfare state development in the EU member states. During periods of crisis in which drastic cuts are made in social security systems European regulation of this kind is crucial. This concept can also be used to prevent social dumping between member states and to facilitate welfare state catch-up processes on the part of less developed members.
In the global economy, young people must be educated and prepared for rapid technological change and competition from workers around the world. This economy demands that all students attain at least a high-school diploma; that they be educated to global standards of excellence. It increasingly requires that they attain some higher-education or substantial on-the-job training. Progressives should make investment in education with the goal of achieving a world-class education for all a key pillar of their economic agendas. Specific measures are needed to tackle the barriers facing disadvantaged youths who are neither in employment, education or training. It is up to progressives to get the word out and steer funding to programmes such as second-chance schools in Europe. Youths should work, train, or actively search while receiving assistance.
... the EMU should be equipped with a proper fiscal capacity able to cushion asymmetric shocks, whatever the Member State, and able to promote catching-up and structural convergence between Member States by focusing on capacity building. The financial resources of this fiscal capacity (preferably own resources) can provide a basis for borrowing via Eurobonds in order to finance European investments, complementing the national ones. This can become an embryo of European Treasury. (...) such a development of the Economic and Monetary Union should be based on a New Deal whereby Member States should accept: - stronger European supervision on their banks, if a common bank resolution and deposit guarantee is build up; - stronger coordination of their economic and social policies and reforms, if a fiscal capacity is build up; -stronger sharing of sovereignty at European level, if the decisions are taken in more democratic terms.
Maria João Rodrigues
It is clear that European public opinion will support such a policy that involves giving more resources to the EU only if the objectives are prescribed clearly, and provided that the potential benefits are effectively communicated, including: - Reduction in high, socially unacceptable unemployment levels, especially in the hardest-hit places in the EU; - A new economic model that is not overly-dependent on financial services but which instead focuses on constructing a solid industrial basis for the EU which ensures both competitiveness and solidarity; -A European Union that becomes a coherent economic and political actor internationally, able to defend the general European interest against other economic powerhouses such as the US, China and the BRICs; - European Union that supports decentralisation, subsidiarity and regional and local self-government for all policies which are not strategic for the defence of the common European interest...
The development of a Social Europe (as an equivalent to the existing economic Europe and as a complement to the single market) has since a long time being hampered by indifference, if not obstruction from certain member states. Like in other policy domains in which no basic agreement has been found, this has led to a Europe à la carte with a number of member states having opt-outs (or strictly speaking: opt-ins) whereas applicant member states have to stick to a fixed menu. (...)
Steven van Hecke
... the quality of democracy should be a priority at all times and that politics and policies need to be at the centre of the crisis debate. Our basic argument is that such a deep economic and social crisis is also inevitably a crisis of democracy. It is also a challenge for social democracy today to provide a coherent and intuitive interpretation of the crisis and an integrated policy proposal based on the need to balance economic sustainability with social cohesion and democracy.
Member of the FEPS Next Left Working Group and Director of the Fundació Rafael Campalans, Spain
Former Prime Minister of Italy and President of the Advisory Board of the Fondazione Italianieuropei
Member of the FEPS Young Academics Network, Bristol University, Italy/United Kingdom
President of the Socialist group in the Assemblée nationale and Deputy-Mayor of Nantes, France
Professor of Political Science at the University of Pisa, Italy
Member of the FEPS Next Left Focus Group, the FEPS Scientific Council and Assistant Professor at the University of Orléans, France
Secretary of the Partito Democratico and Candidate of the Centre-Left Coalition to the Presidency of the Council, Italy
Advisor to Harlem Désir on European Affairs, PS France, France
Regional Councillor of Piedmont within the Partito Democratico, and Former President of the Committee of the Regions, Italy
Director of the Centre for Studies on Federalism, Italy
University of Osnabrück, Speaker of the Post-Grad School of the Hans-Böckler-Stiftung “Employer’s interest and employee participation in a European Social Model“, Germany
Professor of Economics at the University of Rome 3 and MP of the Democratic Party, Italy
Minister of European Affairs, France
Professor of Economics, Ecole Normale Supérieure, President of the Scientific Council of the Fondation Jean-Jaurès, France
Secretary General of the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament (S&D Group), Italy
Director of Policy Network, Germany
Director for International Relations and Senior Research Fellow at the Wiardi Beckman Foundation, the Netherlands
President of FEPS and Fondazione Italianieuropei and Former Prime Minister, Italy
Governor and Member of the Board of Directors of the National Democratic Institute (NDI), United States
Party Leader of the PS, France
President of To Dyktio, Greece
Member of the FEPS Scientific Council, Gwilym Gibbon Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford, and Senior Fellow of Policy Network, United Kingdom
University of Bremen, Germany
Prime Minister of Belgium, Belgium
Secretary General of the Karl-Renner-Institut and Vice-President of FEPS, Austria
PhD candidate in Political Science at Sciences Po Grenoble, France
Director of the School of Government at the University of Rome LUISS, Italy
Former Prime Minister of France, France
Responsible for Economic and Labours of the Democratic Party, Italy
Mayor of Turin, Italy
General Director of the Fondation Jean Jaurès, France
European Policy Division at the Confederation of German Trade Unions (DGB), Germany
Director of the International Department of the Fondation Jean Jaurès, France
President of the SPD, Germany
Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and Professor of Russian History and Politics at Leiden University, the Netherlands
Responsible for the International Relations Department, Fondation Italianieuropei, Italy
Member of the European Parliament, Italy
Professor of Economics at the University of Rome Sapienza, Italy
President of the Foreign Affairs Committee at the National Assembly, France
President of PES Women and a Vice-President of FEPS, Hungary
Head of Unit, Friedrich Erbert Stiftung, Germany
Member of the Federal Executive Board at the United Services Union, Ver.di, Germany
Former Prime Minister of France, France
Mayor of Leipzig, Germany
Friedrich Erbert Stiftung, Germany
Member of the European Parliament, Slovenia
former Senior Vice President of the European Investment Bank (EIB) and now Senior Expert at PwC Germany
PES Deputy Secretary General, the Netherlands/EU
Senior Researcher, Institute for Strategic Analysis and Studies (ISTAME), Greece
Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and Chair of Policy Network, United Kingdom
Chair of the FEPS Scientific Council, Belgium
Member of the FEPS Scientific Council, former Secretary of State for the EU and MP, Spain
Professor of Comparative Politics at the Keele University, United Kingdom
MP of the Democratic Party, Italy
MP of the Catalan Socialist party, Spain
Director of To Dyktio, Greece
Research Fellow at the Instituto Affari Internazionali, Italy
Prime Minister of Croatia, Croatia
Campaign Director for François Hollande and former Minister, France
Vice-President of FEPS and Vice-President of the French Fondation Jean-Jaurès, France
Director of the Fundacio Rafael Campalans, Spain
President of the Fondazione Lelio e Lisli Basso, Italy
Member of the FEPS Young Academics Network, University of Nijmegen, the Netherlands
Secretary General of the Fondazione Italianieuropei, Italy
Professor of Public Law at the University of Rome Sapienza, Italy
MP and Head of the International Department of the Partito Democratico, Italy
PES first deputy Secretary General, Belgium
Prime Minister of Romania, Romania
Institute for Sociology, University of Leipzig, Germany
Member of the board of the Jacques Delors Institute and of Votewatch.eu, United Kingdom
Member of Parliament, Parti Socialiste, France
Macroeconomic Policy Institute, Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, Germany
Professor Emeritus of Civil Law, University of Rome Sapienza, Italy
Policy Advisor in the EU institutions, Professor in Université Libre de Bruxelles, Portugal
Secretary General of the PSOE, Spain
Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and the FEPS Jurist Network, Former Foreign Minister, Malta
Director of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), Germany
Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and Jean Monnet Professor of European Integration, Professor of International Relations and Political Science at Boston University, United States
commissioner to the Federation and the European Union and for Foreign affairs, Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg, Germany
former Chancellor of Germany, Germany
Austrian Institute of Economic Research, Austria
President of the European Parliament, Germany
Minister for Europe of Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germany
Senior Research Fellow of the Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS), Poland
Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and Secretary General of Committee of the Regions, Germany
President of the PES, Bulgaria
Candidate Chancellor of the SPD, Germany
Secretary General of the Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS), Germany
Associate Director for Globalisation and Climate Change at IPPR, United Kingdom
President of S&D Group in the European Parliament, Austria
Member of the European Parliament, Denmark
MEP and Head of the French Socialist delegation in the European Parliament, France
S&D Group, Head of Unit, France
Former Minister of France, France
Member of the FEPS Young Academics Network, University of Erfurt, Germany
Member of the FEPS Scientific Council and DG Research and Innovation European Commission, Germany/EU
member of the Labour Shadow Cabinet and of the UK House of Lords, United Kingdom